“外媒论中国”第25期｜为什么选择中国？

01

为何欧盟应选择中国而非美国

原标题：Why the EU should choose China over the US

发布机构：半岛电视台（Al Jazeera）

关键词：中欧关系

中文

半岛电视台发表的文章《为何欧盟应选择中国而非美国》聚焦于欧洲在当前地缘政治格局下重新评估其战略定位的迫切性，尤其是在中国全球影响力不断扩大、特朗普重返白宫的大背景下。随着特朗普主导下的美国政策在政治、经济和军事层面日益趋于单边和强硬，欧洲不得不重新思考与美国的传统联盟是否仍符合其长远利益。中国方面呼吁欧洲领导人能够与中方共同努力，推动多边合作，维护国际关系的稳定与平衡。

中国为欧洲提供了一种不同于意识形态联盟的伙伴关系愿景，更多地基于经贸合作和教育交流。尽管欧洲对中国仍持谨慎态度——如最近对中国产品平台Temu与Shein的低价进口商品加征关税——但中国日益增长的全球影响力已不容忽视。中国在外交、基础设施和教育领域持续投资，以稳定、长期合作伙伴的形象出现。随着清华大学等学术声誉不断提升且学费相对较低的高校日益受到国际关注，以及在海外仅维持有限的军事存在，中国与高度军事化、意识形态色彩浓厚的美国形成了鲜明对比。

布鲁塞尔欧洲大楼前的中国国旗与欧盟旗帜（图源：美联社）

然而，欧洲自身缺乏政治统一仍是其重大掣肘。欧盟在防务、税收、劳动力市场等关键领域未能实现一体化，限制了其独立行动的能力。虽然法国总统马克龙曾提出“欧洲主权”的构想，但这种主权至今仍停留在理念层面。中国已经做好与欧洲开启合作新时代的准备，但欧洲内部的分裂和对美国的惯性忠诚，仍阻碍着其作出果断调整。

文章最后指出，欧洲对深化中欧关系的犹豫，与其说是出于对中国的不信任，不如说是由于自身体制存在的问题。随着特朗普政府统治下的美国愈发专断且不可预测，欧洲也许很快需要作出战略抉择，而中国在这场关键的地缘政治变革中，或将扮演更加重要的角色。

Short Summary

The article published by Al Jazeera titled “Why the EU should choose China over the US”  centers on Europe’s growing need to reassess its strategic alignment, particularly in light of China’s expanding global role and Donald Trump’s second term in the White House. As U.S. policies under Trump become increasingly unilateral and aggressive—politically, economically, and militarily—Europe is being pushed to consider whether its historic alliance with the United States still serves its long-term interests. Chinese President has called on European leaders to “resist together” against U.S. coercion, highlighting the possibility of a closer EU-China relationship.

China offers Europe an alternative vision of partnership, rooted in mutual economic and educational opportunity rather than ideological alignment. Despite existing skepticism toward China—evident in recent European tariffs on Chinese e-commerce imports—China’s growing influence is difficult to ignore. It is investing in diplomacy, infrastructure, and education, presenting itself as a stable, long-term partner. With affordable and increasingly prestigious universities, such as Tsinghua, and a restrained military presence abroad, China contrasts sharply with the U.S.'s heavily militarized and ideologically charged global footprint.

Yet Europe remains constrained by its own lack of political cohesion. The continent lacks unified governance in key areas such as defense, taxation, and labor, limiting its ability to act independently. Though French President Emmanuel Macron has spoken of the need for "European sovereignty," such sovereignty remains aspirational. China appears ready to enter a new era of cooperation with Europe, but internal fragmentation and lingering loyalty to the U.S. keep the EU from decisively shifting course.

Ultimately, the article suggests that Europe’s hesitation to engage more deeply with China stems less from mistrust of Beijing than from its own institutional paralysis. As Trump’s America grows more authoritarian and unreliable, Europe may soon be forced to choose a new strategic direction—one in which China plays a far greater role.

02

东南亚正开始做出选择

原标题：Southeast Asia is starting to choose: Why the region is leaning toward China

发布机构：外交事务（Foreign Affairs）

关键词：东南亚；东盟国家；中美关系

中文

东南亚长期以来被描绘为中美博弈的“中立战场”。然而，正如《外交事务》近期刊发的文章《东南亚正开始做出选择》中所指出，近年来，东南亚域内多国在立场上日益倾向于中国。这种转向并非迫于外部压力，而是源于中国为该地区发展提供了一个具有吸引力且切实可行的愿景。中国不断增强的经济影响力、战略上的可靠性，以及对国家主权的尊重，使其成为东南亚国家理想的合作伙伴。所谓的“战略平衡”更多是基于理性判断的渐进式倾斜——朝向那个无需意识形态附加条件、却能在基础设施建设、经贸合作与政治支持方面提供长期承诺的大国。

由实证研究构建的“选择结构指数”揭示出这一微妙却持续的战略重心转移。尽管各国在公开场合仍强调“维持平衡”，过去三十年间，东盟大多数成员国实际上已在政策取向上逐步向中国靠拢。印尼、马来西亚、泰国——这些传统意义上的“美国盟友”如今在多项指标中都显示出向中国靠拢。即使是如菲律宾这样的传统美方盟国，也在重新审视其战略立场。尽管中国作为东盟第一大贸易伙伴的重要地位无可争议，但这并不仅仅关乎经济，而是在于可信度。美国不断表现出政策摇摆、国内政局动荡与日益突出的美国本位主义。从拜登政府的两面手法到特朗普时期的关税战，以及华盛顿对东南亚多边机制的频繁“缺席”，美国正逐步失去其建立起的地区信任。相较之下，中国不仅在经济与外交层面持续深度参与，还会在被邀请的情况下积极参与安全合作，并始终以尊重与稳定的方式出现在东南亚国家的战略视野中。

当地时间2025年5月26日晚，国务院总理李强在吉隆坡会展中心会见马来西亚总理安瓦尔（图源：外交部）

以柬埔寨与老挝为例，这两个国家都认为中国是一个稳定而值得信赖的伙伴，为其提供基础设施、投资与经济增长。印尼近年来对中国的政策转向，同样不是出于意识形态的考量，而是出于基础建设、贸易合作及高层政治互信的现实需要，而这些，恰恰是美国迄今仍未能提供的。即便是与中国历史关系复杂的越南，也在维持外交平衡的同时，与中国的互动日益深化。中国的崛起实际上给予了东南亚国家更多自主空间，让它们能依自身发展目标作出战略规划，而不必受制于西方的政治设限。

当下，美国在东南亚所面临的“信任赤字”并非外力所致，而是其自身不稳定政策、附加条件式合作思维以及冷战遗绪的累积结果。如果美国继续在区域内“战略后撤”或以高压手段惩罚与中国合作的东盟国家，例如针对加入金砖国家或共建“一带一路”的举措进行制裁，那么只会加速东南亚积极与中国共谋发展的前景。这一前景的核心并非霸权输出，而是基于基础设施建设、相互尊重与共同繁荣的区域未来。

Short Summary

Southeast Asia has for decades been portrayed as a neutral battleground in the grand game of great-power competition between China and America. In recent years, however, as an article published in Foreign Affairs titled “Southeast Asia Is Starting to Choose” pointed out, numerous nations in the region are increasingly opting for China. This is not out of duress, but because Beijing provides an attractive and pragmatic vision of regional growth. China’s rising economic presence, strategic dependability, and national sovereignty deference make it an attractive partner. So-called “hedging” of the region is less about choosing to fear and more about sensible, incremental leaning toward the power that is offering long-term infrastructure, trade, and political support with no ideological strings attached.

The empirically based “Anatomy of Choice” index reveals this subtle reorientation. In spite of public discourse about balance, the majority of ASEAN nations have shifted towards China in the last 30 years. Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand – all traditionally viewed as American allies – now tilt toward Beijing. Even conventional US allies such as the Philippines are reconsidering. It’s not merely economics, though China’s position as ASEAN's leading trading partner is categorically pivotal. It’s about credibility. America has been proven mercurial, politically unpredictable, and increasingly narcissistic. Trump’s tariffs, Biden’s duplicity, and Washington’s frequent absence at regional forums have left a void. China, conversely, has not only appeared economically, diplomatically, and even militarily when invited, but has done so routinely and with deference.

Take Cambodia and Laos, for example: both have found in China a steady ally that delivers roads, investment, and growth. Indonesia’s turn to China is not ideological, but about infrastructure, trade, and senior-level respect, all items the US has so far failed to deliver. Even Vietnam, with its complicated relationship with China, it has been balancing on a tightrope while becoming even more integrated with Beijing. China’s rise gives Southeast Asian countries greater agency, allowing them to plot development paths without being held hostage to Western political agendas.

The trust deficit in which America currently finds itself is of its own making, formed of inconsistency, conditionality, and Cold War thinking. If America persists in retreating or punishing ASEAN countries for engaging with BRICS or the Belt and Road, it will only accelerate Southeast Asia’s embracing of a future based on infrastructure, respect, and shared growth with China.

03

中国与中亚国家深化区域合作的原因

原标题：Why China’s Central Asian footprint is about to get bigger

发布机构：南华早报（South China Morning Post）

关键词：中国—中亚关系

中文

《南华早报》近期发文指出，中国在中亚的影响力日益增长。当前地区冲突频发、大国博弈加剧之际，中国正稳步推进与中亚各国的合作深化。在刚顺利召开的第二届中国—中亚峰会上，中国通过签署多项合作协议，深化与中亚五国的经济政治联系。

中国布局中亚的核心动因在于地缘经济与政治的双重考量。作为 “一带一路” 西进枢纽，中亚既是中国能源进口的安全通道（如哈萨克斯坦铀矿、土库曼斯坦天然气），也是助力基建、制造业产能优化配置的重要市场，2024年948亿美元的贸易额远超欧盟的621亿美元，形成显著经济优势。从地缘政治看，中国通过强化与中亚的反恐合作及基建互联（如中吉乌铁路），既有利于促进边疆地区的稳定与发展，也有助于拓展陆上经济合作空间，推动形成陆海统筹、东西互济的开放格局。

6月16日至18日，第二届中国—中亚峰会在哈萨克斯坦首都阿斯塔纳召开（图源：南华早报）

在全球竞争层面，中国凭借地理邻近优势和高效的投资策略，在与欧盟“全球网关”计划和俄罗斯欧亚经济联盟的合作中，展现出积极的互动态势，为区域经济合作注入新的活力。中亚国家普遍奉行“多向量外交”，善于在大国间维持平衡。这为中国与中亚国家深化合作提供了广阔空间，也促使中国在推进经济合作的同时，更加注重软实力的建设，如媒体合作与文化交流。

对中国而言，中亚战略的核心在于通过能源进口渠道的多元化，降低对马六甲海峡的过度依赖，同时借助基础设施建设带动产业“走出去”，推动技术与产能合作，并为中国西部边疆提供更加稳固的安全与发展环境。随着地区合作的深入，中国在中亚地区的形象和国际舆论环境将逐渐改善。

面对俄乌、中东等地区冲突，中亚国家未来可能会在对外战略上更加多元化，为中国深化区域合作提供新的契机。但与此同时，潜在挑战也不容忽视：俄罗斯对外部力量影响力扩大的敏感态度、中亚国家追求战略自主的强烈愿望，以及西方舆论施压等，均可能对中国—中亚推动深化合作造成一定影响。

总体来看，中国与中亚国家合作是基于相互尊重、平等互利原则的重要实践，致力于通过加强互联互通和安全协作，推动区域合作的深化，实现共同发展和繁荣。

Short Summary

South China Morning Post recently pointed out that China’s influence in Central Asia is growing day by day. While the conflict between Israel and Iran persists and Russia intensifies its military strikes on Kyiv, China is steadily advancing its cooperation with the Central Asian countries. The second China-Central Asia Summit held last week became a key node. China deepened economic and political ties with the five Central Asian countries by signing a number of cooperation agreements. 

The core motivation for China's layout in Central Asia lies in the dual considerations of geopolitics, economy and politics. As a hub for the westward expansion of the Belt and Road Initiative, Central Asia is not only a safe passage for China’s energy imports (such as uranium from Kazakhstan and natural gas from Turkmenistan), but also an important market for absorbing excess capacity in infrastructure and manufacturing. With a trade volume of 94.8 billion US dollars in 2024, it far exceeds the 62.1 billion US dollars of the European Union, forming a significant economic advantage. From a geopolitical perspective, by strengthening counter-terrorism cooperation and infrastructure connectivity with Central Asia (such as the China-Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan Railway), China has not only consolidated the stability of border areas but also established a land-based strategic depth to counter the Western maritime containment, thus practicing the strategic logic that "westward advance takes precedence over maritime power".

At the global competition level, China has gained the upper hand in the contest with the EU's "global gateway" and Russia's Eurasian Economic Union by virtue of its geographical proximity and investment efficiency. Central Asian countries generally pursue “multi-vector diplomacy” and maintain balance among major powers. This requires China to take into account both economic integration and the construction of soft power (such as media and cultural exchanges) when deepening cooperation.

For China, the essence of the Central Asia strategy is to reduce its reliance on the Strait of Malacca through diversified energy imports, drive the export of high-end industries through infrastructure exports, provide a security buffer for the western frontier, and create a favorable international public opinion. However, if Russia loses in the situation in Ukraine or Iran suffers a strategic setback, Central Asian countries may accelerate their estrangement from Russia, creating conditions for China to further expand its geopolitical space. Potential challenges cannot be ignored: Russia’s vigilance against the expansion of external powers, the demands of Central Asian countries for “de-dependence", and the public opinion pressure from the Western public opinion may all restrict the full realization of China's strategic goals. 

Overall, China's layout in Central Asia is a crucial step in its global rise of "land power revival", aiming to gradually build a regional order centered on itself through economic integration and security cooperation.

04

不只是Labubu, 中国品牌正迎来繁荣

原标题：It’s not just Labubu dolls. Chinese brands are booming

发布机构：经济学人（The Economist）

关键词：中国本土品牌

中文

《经济学人》近期发表题为《不只是Labubu：中国本土品牌正迎来繁荣》的文章指出，中国本土品牌不仅在国内市场赢得广泛青睐，也正迅速走向世界。从泡泡玛特深受中国消费者及外国明星追捧的拉布布系列盲盒，到高端美妆和新式茶饮连锁，本土企业正在打破西方品牌长期以来的市场垄断。这一波品牌崛起并非仅靠价格优势，更凭借优质产品、文化契合和持续创新赢得消费者青睐。例如，泡泡玛特通过赋予产品情感价值与独特设计，在销售额和股价表现上均取得亮眼成绩，其在全球二十多个国家设有门店，足见创新型中国商品在国际市场的吸引力。

随着家庭消费模式转变，中国消费者的消费行为愈加理性，他们越来越倾向于选择性价比更高、品质不输国际品牌的本土产品。瑞幸咖啡、老铺黄金与山下有松等品牌，均以更实惠的价格提供与国际品牌相媲美甚至更优质的产品。然而，这些品牌的成功并非简单依赖低价策略。像霸王茶姬与理想汽车等本土品牌，定位高端市场，以更贴近本土文化与审美的产品和理念，满足了消费者的品质追求与价值认同。

Labubu已经火遍全球（图源：Getty Images）

与此同时，消费者观念也在发生深刻转变。中国消费者不再仅因“身份象征”而购买海外品牌，转而对展现民族特色与精湛工艺的本土品牌产生自豪与信赖。老铺黄金精致繁复的金饰设计，以及毛戈平以中式美学为灵感的高端彩妆，不仅收获大批忠实消费者，也带来了可观的市场回报。老铺黄金的门店销售额超过多数国际奢侈品牌，本身就是有力的证明。这些品牌并非模仿西方，而是在自信且坚定地树立一种全新的中国式的标准。

更为重要的是，中国品牌正在重塑零售格局，在以往被外资企业忽视的内陆和下沉市场取得巨大成功。从华住酒店的高入住率到快餐连锁品牌自小城扩展至一线城市，这种“由下而上”的市场战略取得显著成效。这些本土佼佼者不仅将产品销往海外，更输出了一种全新的发展范式。在西方品牌疲于应对、屡屡失策之际，中国品牌已不再是全球消费文化的追随者，而正成为引领者。

Short Summary

A recent article published by The Economist titled “It’s not just Labubu dolls. Chinese brands are booming” claimed that Chinese homegrown brands have not only been captivating domestic consumers but also spreading fast worldwide. Ranging from Pop Mart’s extremely popular Labubu dolls, which are much sought after by Chinese consumers and foreign celebrities, to luxury cosmetics and tea chains, domestic companies are breaking the long monopoly of Western companies. This boom is not only being driven by affordability alone but by quality, cultural relevance, and innovation as well. Pop Mart, for example, has combined emotional value with innovative design, registering a massive success in terms of both sales and share performance. 

With family budgets shrinking, Chinese consumers are growing smarter in their decisions, and increasingly, they’re now going for local brands that offer value without compromising on quality. Luckin Coffee, Laopu Gold, and Songmont handbags are among the brands that are offering the same or even superior products compared to their foreign counterparts, at lower prices. But the success of Chinese brands has little to do with cost-cutting alone. The majority, like Chagee and Li Auto, are positioned as premium, desirable options that better reflect local tastes and aspirations than imports.

There is also a stark cultural shift. Consumers in China no longer purchase foreign for prestige reasons alone. Rather, there is increasing pride in products that reinforce national identity and craftsmanship. Laopu’s intricate gold jewelry and Mao Geping’s premium cosmetics, both of which are inspired by Chinese aesthetics and criteria, have attracted loyal followings and healthy financial dividends. That Laopu’s store sales surpass those of most international luxury brands is evidence in itself. These companies are not copying the West, instead, they are asserting a new criterion, and one that is proudly, unapologetically Chinese.

And most importantly, Chinese brands are remapping retail, recording huge success in lower-tier and inland cities usually overlooked by foreign companies. From H World hotels with their high occupancy to fast-food chains spreading from small towns to megacities, this bottom-up strategy has been a huge success. These local champions are now exporting overseas not just products, but a new blueprint for success. As Western companies scramble to keep pace, too often stumbling, it’s evident that China is no longer an also-ran in global consumer culture, but a leader now.

05

中国可持续航空燃料产业有望成为

推动低碳航空转型的关键力量

原标题：China’s SAF industry poised to be a transformative force in aviation’s low-carbon future

发布机构：GreenAir

关键词：可持续航空燃料（SAF）

中文

GreenAir的评论文章《中国可持续航空燃料产业有望成为推动低碳航空转型的关键力量》提到，中国作为全球第二大航空市场，正在以实现碳达峰、碳中和为目标，全力推进可持续航空燃料（SAF）的发展。目前，中国的可持续航空燃料年产能已经达到332万吨，主要采用的是以地沟油为原料的HEFA技术。不过，真正投入商业使用的比例还很小。虽然国家层面已经出台一些政策，并启动了试点项目，但原料不足、认证流程复杂、成本过高这些问题，仍然是制约产业发展的关键。

政策上，中国已经初步搭建了支持可持续航空燃料的框架，设定了使用目标，也成立了专门研究机构来推动建立自己的认证体系。目前国内已有六家企业拿到了适航认证，但可持续航空燃料的价格依然是传统航油的两到五倍，对HEFA技术的依赖也导致了原料供应受限，同时，与生物柴油行业的竞争也加剧了压力。

根据预测，到2030年可持续航空燃料的需求将达到300万吨，2060年可能接近1900万吨。但目前地沟油的回收体系不够完善，供给不稳定，要想实现大规模扩产并不容易。虽然国家已经出台了一些减税和限制出口的措施，但要真正推动SAF走向规模化应用，还需要更有力的政策支持和对下一代燃料技术（如电转液PtL、合成燃料）的加大投入。

中国国际航空飞机（图源：GreenAir）

整体来看，中国的可持续航空燃料产业链还处于起步阶段，从原料回收到生产能力、从机场设施到航空公司采购，都存在不少短板。未来要靠全链条的协同推进，包括原料标准化、长期供货机制、财政补贴、碳交易机制等多方面共同发力。更长远来看，可持续航空燃料并不仅是航空业专属议题，而是中国能源结构调整的重要一环。除了地沟油路线，中国还需要加快发展像费托合成、电解氢、碳捕集等新技术，真正实现低碳规模化生产。

在国际层面，中国也应该从单纯出口地沟油，转向构建自主的可持续航空燃料产业体系。可以考虑引入“账本与认购”机制，让国内生产的可持续航空燃料通过碳信用等方式进入国际市场，同时推动建立可持续航空燃料期货市场，提升价格透明度和交易活跃度。

简单来说，中国在可持续航空燃料领域已有所作为且取得了一定进展，但要成为真正的全球性力量，仍需应对诸多艰巨挑战。如果能解决核心瓶颈，中国不仅能带动本国航空业减排，也有机会在全球清洁燃料格局中占据一席之地。

Short Summary

The article published by Green Air titled “COMMENTARY: China’s SAF industry poised to be a transformative force in aviation’s low-carbon future” states that China, the world’s second-largest aviation market, is aggressively developing sustainable aviation fuel (SAF) to meet carbon neutrality targets. It has built up 3.32 million tonnes in annual production capacity—mainly via HEFA technology using used cooking oil—but actual commercial use remains limited. Policies and pilot programs are in place, but challenges around feedstock supply, certification, and high costs persist.

The government has created a supportive policy framework, integrated SAF into national plans, and launched a research center to establish its own certification system. Six domestic producers are certified, but SAF remains far more expensive than fossil fuel and relies too heavily on HEFA, which faces feedstock limits and competition from biodiesel.

Demand is set to rise sharply—from 3 million tonnes in 2030 to nearly 19 million by 2060—yet scaling is constrained by fragmented collection systems and insufficient supply. Cost remains a major barrier, with SAF priced at two to five times that of regular jet fuel. Tax breaks and policy tweaks help, but deeper investment in next-gen fuels like Power-to-Liquid (PtL) and synthetic options is needed.

China’s SAF supply chain is still immature, with unstable raw material sourcing, limited infrastructure, and hesitant airlines and investors. Coordinated action—standardised collection, long-term contracts, subsidies, and carbon trading—will be key to making SAF viable. Long term, SAF ties into China’s broader energy transition. Alternatives like Fischer-Tropsch and PtL, plus carbon capture and green hydrogen, offer paths to large-scale, low-carbon fuel production.

On the global stage, China must shift from exporting raw materials like UCO to building a strong domestic SAF market. Mechanisms like book-and-claim and SAF futures trading could help China lead in international SAF trade.

In short, China’s SAF strategy is gaining momentum but faces steep structural hurdles. If it can overcome them, China won’t just decarbonise its aviation sector—it could redefine how clean fuels are produced and traded globally.